THE EYE OF TIME NOVEL

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Saturday, June 19, 2021

A LOOK AT NEOLITHIC BELIEFS

 

A LOOK AT NEOLITHIC BELIEFS

Across all the Late Neolithic tribes and clans in "The Eye of Time", there is a very similar set of religious beliefs. Their universe is populated - and influenced, if not controlled, by spirits who inhabit both animate and inanimate objects (animism) and with whom humans must deal in order to have a say in the way their world unfolds around them. The way they do this is through part time religious practitioners called "seers" (shamans, witch doctors, 'clever men', & medicine men in various recent tribal societies), and they achieve  this through trance visions and spirit journeys in which they can talk with both natural and ancestral spirits to heal or understand both medical and social illness. Behind all this there would be a cosmic life-force or energy that powers existence (animatism) and which both seers and spirits use to enhance their powers and abilities  (yes, this is exactly 'the Force' in Star Wars).  

Anthropologists have recorded this belief system among hunter-gatherer and agricultural tribal societies across the world from Siberia and the Canadian Arctic to the southern tips of Africa, South America and Australia. The question is, how far back can it be traced? Despite localised practices and the unstructured nature of the religion, the core beliefs and cosmology are remarkably similar across the globe, which might suggest a very ancient origin for the concepts.  But finding clear evidence for particular religious beliefs in prehistory has never been easy.

In the late 1960s, an archaeologist in South Africa, David Lewis-Williams, put forward a theory that the stone age rock art of the region was a representation of shamanic trance experience among the San hunter-gatherers who had painted it. It took him more than a decade to persuade his contemporaries that his was a valid approach, at which point he began to offer a similar interpretation for European Palaeolithic cave art. I'm not sure he ever really won that round, but his theory is at least now considered along with longer established interpretations by many European archaeologists.

According to Lewis-Williams, religion is the way in which we interpret, through our cultural filters, the neurological signals our minds create when we enter altered states of consciousness (asc). Our brains are "hard-wired" to produce these signals that include dots, hatching, zig-zags, and spirals. We all experience these in dream states, daydreams, migraines and sometimes in fevers, but some people are able to bring on an intense asc, including hallucinations, through mind-bending drugs, sensory deprivation, or rhythmic self-mesmerism (i.e. trancing). In small-scale hunting societies these people can become shamans – religious practitioners who journey through the asc into a separate reality (the same one Castaneda was on about, whether or not he actually experienced it) which they interpret as the spirit world.

He suggested that there are several intermediate stages between full consciousness and full trance: The lightest asc brings out the geometrics listed above, with sounds such as buzzing and the swishing of wind or water. As the consciousness slips further towards trance, the mind begins to interpret these designs as more familiar objects: bees, snakes, fishing nets, animals, and ladders. Then comes a significant transition, accompanied often by the sensation of passing through a vortex or tunnel (as in near-death experiences, another form of asc) before emerging on the "other side", where the images have become real. Lewis Williams reckoned that almost all prehistoric art in Europe, America, Australia and Africa could be seen as images representing these transformations. He further cited the illustration  of a limited range of animal species in the art of any region as evidence that these were not simply hunting scenes or pictures of everyday events. He held that the artwork depicted these asc experiences, either to share them with other shamans, to explain them to other people, and/or to aid the shamans to find their way to the correct mind-set and enter the spirit world on subsequent occasions. In many traditions, the shift into other realities is accompanied by physical changes, in which the shaman 'becomes' a spirit animal for the journey (Figs 1 & 2). The shift is also sometimes likened to 'dying' or 'drowning' and Lewis Williams has frequently drawn attention to examples of  these scenarios in prehistoric art.



Fig 1: Therianthrope (half animal/ half human) in Game Pass, Natal Drakensberg. The figure is seen as a shaman transforming to an antelope - the head & hooves are already gone. His hair stands on end as an indicator of trance.

Fig 2: European cave painting generally accepted as a shaman: is he wearing a 
skin or is he a therianthrope too? Note he is also "bleeding from the nose" (DLW) 
a common side effect of trance.

Unlike Castaneda, he never says (or denies) that these other 'realities' exist, but simply posits that they were very real to the people of the time. These beliefs would have formed an integral part of their cosmos, the parts and totality of which were often reflected in art, architecture (the symbolic organisation of space) and ritual activity (such as burials).

Finally, Lewis-Williams turned his attention to more complex societies. In 2005 he published “Inside the Neolithic Mind” with David Pearce. In this work the authors took as examples sites in the Near East (Nevali Cori, Jericho, Catal Hoyuk, and Gobekli Tepe) and in the British Isles (Bru na Boinne, including Newgrange,  and Bryn Celli Ddu in Wales) to show how the art and architecture reflected a continuation of similar beliefs beyond hunting societies.

The idea was that, as with the earlier cave art, the entoptic (mind-created) images at tombs like Newgrange and Bryn Celli Ddu were used by shamans to focus their minds on achieving trance states to commune with the ancestors in the tomb. Not all tombs had this artistic element, but the dark interior, like the darkness of a cave, would add to the sensory deprivation used to boost asc transformations and communication with the spirit world. Lewis-Williams and Pearce's work is a pretty academic thesis, well supported by ethnographic observations throughout, and too long to deal with in detail here, but I would recommend it to anyone interested in the subject as essential reading, whether you end up believing it or not.

 In Neolithic Britain there was a widespread tradition of communal burial for a selected elite of the population. These people were buried in Long Barrows, Portal Dolmens, or Passage Graves (in different parts of the country) that were regularly revisited and where the ancestral bones were handled or moved around during rituals at key times of the year (summer & winter solstice etc). There were no grave goods to indicate status or power, and the bones were often mixed up, or stored by bone type rather than together as skeletons. It seems that what was important was not the individuals, but the group they belonged to.

Around some of these tombs – the Passage Graves in Scotland and Eire especially – is some wonderful abstract art (Figs 3 & 4). This shows zigzag lines, diamonds, chequer patterns, concentric rings and spirals. The long barrows of Western England tend to be art free zones, but one, Stoney Littleton, has a large spiral ammonite set into the wall next to the entrance to the burial chamber. All these images may be interpreted in terms of the neurological effects of asc: they are the geometric shapes that people see in migraines, the early stages of trances, near-death experiences and drug-induced trips. Spirals may often also metamorphose into the tunnels and vortices seen in these states (with the light at the end), the transitional phase into a full hallucinatory state, death, or, in the minds of our Neolithic ancestors, the spirit world. So entering a passage grave or barrow may have been seen as entering the vortex or tunnel that leads through into the spirit worlds - where the dead ancestors reside (as they do indeed in tombs).

 

Fig 3: The kerbstone opposite the entrance at Newgrange Passage Grave.

 We simply don’t know what became of the rest of the population on death. Some were evidently cremated, but there simply are not enough bodies in the communal graves to be the surviving sample of the whole Neolithic population. Estimates vary as to the proportion of the population treated in this way, but centre round 5%; a significantly small number. These chosen few continued to interact with the living through the use of their bones in religious ceremonies, and the probable reburial of some of those ancestral bones in special places such as deep pits or the ends of ditches; places where the boundary with the underworld has been physically thinned.

It is thought by an increasing number of archaeologists that the bones and burial sites were being revisited as representatives of the ancestral spirit community, who could be approached to mediate with the rest of the spirit world on behalf of their living descendants. If this were the case, it would make sense to pick for this task people who in life had had experience of these same negotiations: the shamans or "seers".

Lewis Williams deliberately avoided using Stonehenge as an example because of the controversy he thought it would arouse, so that we may never know how he saw it fitting into his overall pattern. I think it fits very well (see other articles on this blog), both with the cosmology as a whole, and as a place for (and physical aid to) shamanic trancing. I have dealt with the cosmology/ heart of the world aspect elsewhere; here consider for a moment the idea that Stonehenge worked as a physical aid to asc.

 The ditch provides a symbolic separation and distancing from the outside world, a sensation further enhanced by the ring of close set stones in the circle, which experiments have shown to block and alter sound travelling in and out of the monument whilst at the same time creating an effective visual barrier. Drumming or chanting in the circle would be amplified by the stones, enhancing both rhythmic and sensory routes into trance. The sheltered inner area, with the impassable "gates" of the trilithons and the focus created by the tallest  trilithon and the Altar Stone provides a doubly segregated zone where direct contact with the spirit world is possible, either to the underworld through the stones themselves or to the heavens through the open air above them. Added to this, let's not forget that Stonehenge also functioned as a burial ground: the ancestors were on hand within the bounds of the monument to come when needed.

  

Fig 4: Newgrange front entrance: with "courtyard" where we believe rituals involving the ancestors inside were performed. Is the decorated kerbstone here original, or put there to close the tomb off?

This interpretation is without any direct archaeological support at this stage, but it shows that such a functionality would work. And there is some evidence of art on the stones. Apart from the famous axe-heads and daggers, there are several other 'faces' - mostly natural, and two or three low-relief  shapes that could be pecked. One of these, on Stone 16, is a crude spiral. So perhaps., after all, there is something in the stones and the structure that gives an indication of the way the building may have functioned. It makes you think, doesn't it?

 

Wednesday, March 17, 2021

WAUN MAWN AND THE STONEHENGE BLUESTONES

 

WAUN MAWN AND THE STONEHENGE BLUESTONES

 


The publication last month (Feb 2021) of Mike Parker-Pearson's conclusions from his recent work in Western Wales has sparked off a sometimes heated debate among archaeologists and Henge fundis, leaving everyone else puzzled by media assertions that Stonehenge was moved in its entirety from Wales to Wiltshire. It is important to realise at the start that  this whole discussion is about the bluestones which some of us  (not all of us, yet) believe were used in the first phase of Stonehenge about 2950 BC. There are, of course, the hard-line believers that the bluestones were moved to Wiltshire by glacial action, despite the absence of other Welsh erratics surviving anywhere on the route.

Then there are those who maintain that there is no hard evidence for bluestones at Stonehenge until the digging of the Q & R Holes shortly before 2500 BC. They do have a point, although the circumstantial evidence for an earlier arrival is increasing with every new piece of research. But then much of that research is coming from Parker-Pearson and his allies, and they have been accused of inflating the reliability of the evidence to support his theories, so that it is hard, even with all the data, to make any confident conclusion. And since these are still preliminary results, we are a long way from having all the data to hand.

Let's suppose that Parker-Pearson (and several others before him) is broadly correct, and that the bluestones came to Stonehenge at the beginning of the henge-building (see "The Bluestone Controversy" elsewhere in this blog). He went to Pembrokeshire in Wales seeking evidence that the stones could have been quarried that early. Initially, analysis showed three outcrops in Preseli that matched a number of the stones from Stonehenge, and digs were carried out at these. No one ever said all the stones came from these three sites; indeed, it was clear from the start that some of the bluestones did not come from the Preseli hills at all, and several other probable locations have been identified during the research.

 

        Craig Rhos y felin: the most controversial of the quarry sites and the one nearest to Waun Mawn.

 

The results from these excavations were controversial. Some argued that the evidence for active prehistoric quarrying at the sites was at best uncertain, and that the samples used for dating could not be directly linked to the mining activity proposed by the archaeologists. Critics have maintained that the lack of certain proof shows that Parker-Pearson's hypothesis is wrong. But an hypothesis remains valid (and potentially true) unless disproven, and the analysis of the rock sources stands in support of MPP's idea.

The dates, when they came, surprised everyone. If accepted as relevant, they showed that at least two of the outcrops were being mined centuries before the first henge on Salisbury Plain. And that posed another question: What were they quarried for and where they had been in the time until they were taken to Stonehenge? Parker-Pearson and others (including me) began to wonder if they were used in a circle or circles in West Wales before being moved to Wiltshire. That could mean that the significance of the stones came from the monuments they were part of, not from some innate property of the rocks in the outcrops themselves. Of course, if the dates did not date the quarries, and were the result of some other activity (herding stock on the hills for example) then the anomaly disappears and the next step in the research does not follow logically - unless it gives independent support to the dating of the quarries.

Which is exactly what happened, more or less. After a couple of unsuccessful attempts, the team started digging at Waun Mawn, the least likely of their initial choices of sites for early monuments. Despite a paucity of charcoal in secure contexts, Parker-Pearson has constructed a palimpsest of dates from different techniques that he says shows that Waun Mawn was originally a circle constructed about 3400 - 3200BC and demolished around 3000BC. Needless to say, his critics have attacked his interpretation of the dates and dismissed his conclusion.

Furthermore, the four remaining stones at the site are of unspotted dolerite, a material represented in only three surviving stones at Stonehenge. If these are representative of the other stones at Waun Mawn, it would be very unlikely that all the missing stones went to Stonehenge. But there is no reason to suppose that all the stones in the original circle were the same: in fact it is probable that they were a mix of the various igneous rocks available at Preseli at the time, in which case the problem disappears. And there was one further piece of evidence for a direct link between the two circles. The digital refitting of Stonehenge bluestone 61 (one of the three unspotted dolerite pillars left at the site) into the pentagonal socket in stone-hole 91 at Waun Mawn was very persuasive: if the fit is as close as the reconstruction suggests, it would be a huge coincidence if there were no direct connection.

But we still don't know what the other missing stones at Waun Mawn looked like, nor the nature of the many bluestones now missing from Stonehenge, and sadly it seems as if this conundrum is unlikely ever to be resolved. Has Mike Parker-Pearson's lucky streak held, and do the controversial and sometimes tenuous threads of his argument give enough support to keep his synopsis valid, or has he built a fragile house of cards that will tumble when his critics finally see all the data? For the present, there is no way of knowing: you pays your money and you takes your choice.

 


         Waun Mawn looking towards the Preseli Hills